THE OLD SETTLERS OF SIKKIM....................e.newsletter of the old settlers living in Sikkim prior to its merger with India who have a history of 130 years in Sikkim: .....Editor: S K Sarda
Wednesday, March 26, 2014
Monday, March 24, 2014
Wednesday, March 19, 2014
Wednesday, March 5, 2014
Press Release of Sikkim Chamber of Commerce
GANGTOK, SIKKIM
Ref No. SCC/2013-14/
March 4, 2014.
PRESS RELEASE
The Business Establishments and traders voluntarily decided to close down their Shops and offices following yesterday’s incident at M.G. Marg, Gangtok. The Sikkim Chamber of Commerce called for a meeting in response to the closure of MG Marg and took stock of the situation. The traders informed that the closure was due to fear and in anticipation that similar incidents might take place today also.
The Members of Sikkim Chamber of Commerce and traders called upon the Chief Secretary of Sikkim, Smt. R. Ongmu and appraised her about the situation. The Chief Secretary asked the delegates to keep calm and ensured to provide required security at Market areas and asked to open the shops without Fear.
In later half of the day the District Collector East and SP East took stock of the situation and promised to provide adequate security. The SCC and traders have decided to open their shops and business establishment from tomorrow i.e. 05/03/14. The Sikkim Chamber of Commerce also extends gratitude towards the Chief Secretary of Sikkim and District administration for their prompt action and support
Sincerely,
Ashok Sarda
President
Sikkim Chamber of Commerce
M-9800061115
Ref No. SCC/2013-14/
March 4, 2014.
PRESS RELEASE
The Business Establishments and traders voluntarily decided to close down their Shops and offices following yesterday’s incident at M.G. Marg, Gangtok. The Sikkim Chamber of Commerce called for a meeting in response to the closure of MG Marg and took stock of the situation. The traders informed that the closure was due to fear and in anticipation that similar incidents might take place today also.
The Members of Sikkim Chamber of Commerce and traders called upon the Chief Secretary of Sikkim, Smt. R. Ongmu and appraised her about the situation. The Chief Secretary asked the delegates to keep calm and ensured to provide required security at Market areas and asked to open the shops without Fear.
In later half of the day the District Collector East and SP East took stock of the situation and promised to provide adequate security. The SCC and traders have decided to open their shops and business establishment from tomorrow i.e. 05/03/14. The Sikkim Chamber of Commerce also extends gratitude towards the Chief Secretary of Sikkim and District administration for their prompt action and support
Sincerely,
Ashok Sarda
President
Sikkim Chamber of Commerce
M-9800061115
Tuesday, March 4, 2014
Saturday, March 1, 2014
Lifting the 'sacred veil' on Sikkim
Srinath Raghavan
February 25, 2014 Last Updated at 21:25 IST
SMASH AND GRAB
Annexation of Sikkim
Sunanda K Datta-Ray
Tranquebar; 415 pages; Rs 795
Sunanda K Datta-Ray's account of the annexation of Sikkim was originally published in 1984. The book's detailed dismantling of the conventional wisdom about a constitutional "merger" of Sikkim raised several hackles. Not least because it shredded the myths and lies perpetrated by the government's propaganda with the connivance of a supine and apathetic media. A defamation suit was duly filed and theDelhi High Court issued an interim order forbidding sales until the case was settled. Eventually an out-of-court settlement was reached and the ban on sales lifted; but the publisher claimed that no copies of the book were left to be sold and nor would he reprint. Pusillanimity of publishers evidently has a long history in India.
The appearance of a revised edition is welcome and long overdue. The book is stamped with all the qualities that make Mr Datta-Ray one of our finest chroniclers of contemporary history: it is thoroughly researched, closely argued, and superbly written. By turning the spotlight on a neglected episode in our recent history, the book compels us to think anew about the seemingly anodyne project of "nation-building".
During the British Raj, Sikkim had a "subordinate alliance" with the Crown. At the time of India's independence, New Delhi recognised this special status of Sikkim. The deputy minister of foreign affairs averred that Sikkim was "something between a state in India and an independent state". In December 1950, New Delhi concluded a treaty with Sikkim, recognising it as a "protectorate". India was responsible for external affairs, defence and communications, while Sikkim would enjoy autonomy in internal affairs subject to India's ultimate responsibility for maintaining law and order. This treaty was concluded against the backdrop of the Chinese invasion of Tibet and the treaties concluded by India with the other Himalayan kingdoms of Nepal and Bhutan. It is interesting to note that during this period India turned down requests from Sikkimese political parties that sought accession to India.
By 1965, when Palden Thondup Namgyal became the new ruler - or Chogyal - of Sikkim, the context of India-Sikkim relations had changed. On the one hand, the Chogyal understandably sought to move towards a position of increased sovereignty. On the other hand, New Delhi took a less relaxed view of its relationship with Sikkim. In the wake of the disastrous war with China in 1962, India grew increasingly concerned about its security. And Sikkim was in many ways the weakest link in India's defensive arrangements, if only because of geography, and the site of many of the tense stand-offs with the Chinese. So, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi took a dim view of Sikkim's efforts to relax New Delhi's tight embrace.
Besides, the Indian government was also uncomfortable with the terminology of "protectorate" - a word that carried a distinctively negative connotation in the era of decolonisation. In May 1972, New Delhi suggested that the treaty of 1950 be modified to read that Sikkim would be "in permanent association with India". The Chogyal responded by suggesting that it be changed to state that "Sikkim in full sovereign rights enters into a permanent association" with India.
Thereafter, the Indian government decided to take matters into its own hands. Its chosen instrument was the political parties - principally comprising people of Nepali origin in Sikkim who also were a numerical majority - that were opposed to the Chogyal. The Research and Analysis Wing funded and supported the opposition movement, leading eventually to direct Indian intervention under the pretext of maintaining law and order. The anti-Chogyal parties were swept to power in the election of 1974. They promptly introduced a new Constitution and sought Sikkim's "association" with India. In turn, New Delhi amended its own Constitution to "absorb" Sikkim.
Mr Datta-Ray sharply underlines the absurdity of an international treaty being superseded by an amendment of the Indian Constitution. Such egregious legal legerdemain was possible because of Indira Gandhi's parliamentary majority - though it must be added that most opposition parties willingly went along with it. Mr Datta-Ray's account of this sordid story has been amply corroborated by memoirs published by Indian officials since his book originally appeared. Few open-minded readers will come away from this book without feeling outraged at India's handling of Sikkim.
Yet Mr Datta-Ray is a better prosecutor than judge. For instance, he does not acknowledge the fact that the Chogyal's own missteps strengthened the hands of his adversaries. His unwillingness to grant full democratic rights to the Nepali majority at the right time gave India a useful lever to prise him out of power. By all accounts, the Chogyal was a fine and sensitive man, but his attempt to simultaneously take on India and his own populace was deeply flawed. This point becomes clearer when we compare the fate of Sikkim with that of Bhutan. To be sure, Bhutan had a stronger claim to sovereignty than did Sikkim. Yet the Bhutanese monarch handled the relationship with India adroitly, and by 1971 had secured Bhutan's entry into the United Nations.
More problematically, Mr Datta-Ray presents the Sikkim story as a dark aberration in India's tryst with democracy. The fact, however, remains that the Indian state has seldom shied away from using force when its security - especially territorial - interests are seen as threatened. Think of the accession of Junagadh, Hyderabad or Manipur. Constitutional chicanery? Consider the use of Article 370, which ostensibly preserves the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, but in practice has been used to whittle down any semblance of autonomy. As a citizen, I find all this deplorable, but as a historian I know that in its ruthless realpolitik the Indian state has been no different from other states in modern history.
Edmund Burke famously said at the trial of Warren Hastings that "there is a sacred veil to be thrown over the beginnings of all government". It is Mr Datta-Ray's achievement that he momentarily lifts this veil and punctures the pretensions of the Indian state. But to grasp the real import of this story, we may need to dispense with its author's own pieties.
Annexation of Sikkim
Sunanda K Datta-Ray
Tranquebar; 415 pages; Rs 795
Sunanda K Datta-Ray's account of the annexation of Sikkim was originally published in 1984. The book's detailed dismantling of the conventional wisdom about a constitutional "merger" of Sikkim raised several hackles. Not least because it shredded the myths and lies perpetrated by the government's propaganda with the connivance of a supine and apathetic media. A defamation suit was duly filed and theDelhi High Court issued an interim order forbidding sales until the case was settled. Eventually an out-of-court settlement was reached and the ban on sales lifted; but the publisher claimed that no copies of the book were left to be sold and nor would he reprint. Pusillanimity of publishers evidently has a long history in India.
The appearance of a revised edition is welcome and long overdue. The book is stamped with all the qualities that make Mr Datta-Ray one of our finest chroniclers of contemporary history: it is thoroughly researched, closely argued, and superbly written. By turning the spotlight on a neglected episode in our recent history, the book compels us to think anew about the seemingly anodyne project of "nation-building".
During the British Raj, Sikkim had a "subordinate alliance" with the Crown. At the time of India's independence, New Delhi recognised this special status of Sikkim. The deputy minister of foreign affairs averred that Sikkim was "something between a state in India and an independent state". In December 1950, New Delhi concluded a treaty with Sikkim, recognising it as a "protectorate". India was responsible for external affairs, defence and communications, while Sikkim would enjoy autonomy in internal affairs subject to India's ultimate responsibility for maintaining law and order. This treaty was concluded against the backdrop of the Chinese invasion of Tibet and the treaties concluded by India with the other Himalayan kingdoms of Nepal and Bhutan. It is interesting to note that during this period India turned down requests from Sikkimese political parties that sought accession to India.
By 1965, when Palden Thondup Namgyal became the new ruler - or Chogyal - of Sikkim, the context of India-Sikkim relations had changed. On the one hand, the Chogyal understandably sought to move towards a position of increased sovereignty. On the other hand, New Delhi took a less relaxed view of its relationship with Sikkim. In the wake of the disastrous war with China in 1962, India grew increasingly concerned about its security. And Sikkim was in many ways the weakest link in India's defensive arrangements, if only because of geography, and the site of many of the tense stand-offs with the Chinese. So, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi took a dim view of Sikkim's efforts to relax New Delhi's tight embrace.
Besides, the Indian government was also uncomfortable with the terminology of "protectorate" - a word that carried a distinctively negative connotation in the era of decolonisation. In May 1972, New Delhi suggested that the treaty of 1950 be modified to read that Sikkim would be "in permanent association with India". The Chogyal responded by suggesting that it be changed to state that "Sikkim in full sovereign rights enters into a permanent association" with India.
Thereafter, the Indian government decided to take matters into its own hands. Its chosen instrument was the political parties - principally comprising people of Nepali origin in Sikkim who also were a numerical majority - that were opposed to the Chogyal. The Research and Analysis Wing funded and supported the opposition movement, leading eventually to direct Indian intervention under the pretext of maintaining law and order. The anti-Chogyal parties were swept to power in the election of 1974. They promptly introduced a new Constitution and sought Sikkim's "association" with India. In turn, New Delhi amended its own Constitution to "absorb" Sikkim.
Mr Datta-Ray sharply underlines the absurdity of an international treaty being superseded by an amendment of the Indian Constitution. Such egregious legal legerdemain was possible because of Indira Gandhi's parliamentary majority - though it must be added that most opposition parties willingly went along with it. Mr Datta-Ray's account of this sordid story has been amply corroborated by memoirs published by Indian officials since his book originally appeared. Few open-minded readers will come away from this book without feeling outraged at India's handling of Sikkim.
Yet Mr Datta-Ray is a better prosecutor than judge. For instance, he does not acknowledge the fact that the Chogyal's own missteps strengthened the hands of his adversaries. His unwillingness to grant full democratic rights to the Nepali majority at the right time gave India a useful lever to prise him out of power. By all accounts, the Chogyal was a fine and sensitive man, but his attempt to simultaneously take on India and his own populace was deeply flawed. This point becomes clearer when we compare the fate of Sikkim with that of Bhutan. To be sure, Bhutan had a stronger claim to sovereignty than did Sikkim. Yet the Bhutanese monarch handled the relationship with India adroitly, and by 1971 had secured Bhutan's entry into the United Nations.
More problematically, Mr Datta-Ray presents the Sikkim story as a dark aberration in India's tryst with democracy. The fact, however, remains that the Indian state has seldom shied away from using force when its security - especially territorial - interests are seen as threatened. Think of the accession of Junagadh, Hyderabad or Manipur. Constitutional chicanery? Consider the use of Article 370, which ostensibly preserves the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, but in practice has been used to whittle down any semblance of autonomy. As a citizen, I find all this deplorable, but as a historian I know that in its ruthless realpolitik the Indian state has been no different from other states in modern history.
Edmund Burke famously said at the trial of Warren Hastings that "there is a sacred veil to be thrown over the beginnings of all government". It is Mr Datta-Ray's achievement that he momentarily lifts this veil and punctures the pretensions of the Indian state. But to grasp the real import of this story, we may need to dispense with its author's own pieties.
The reviewer is senior fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi, and lecturer in defence studies at King's College London
By 1965, when Palden Thondup Namgyal became the new ruler - or Chogyal - of Sikkim, the context of India-Sikkim relations had changed. On the one hand, the Chogyal understandably sought to move towards a position of increased sovereignty. On the other hand, New Delhi took a less relaxed view of its relationship with Sikkim. In the wake of the disastrous war with China in 1962, India grew increasingly concerned about its security. And Sikkim was in many ways the weakest link in India's defensive arrangements, if only because of geography, and the site of many of the tense stand-offs with the Chinese. So, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi took a dim view of Sikkim's efforts to relax New Delhi's tight embrace.
Besides, the Indian government was also uncomfortable with the terminology of "protectorate" - a word that carried a distinctively negative connotation in the era of decolonisation. In May 1972, New Delhi suggested that the treaty of 1950 be modified to read that Sikkim would be "in permanent association with India". The Chogyal responded by suggesting that it be changed to state that "Sikkim in full sovereign rights enters into a permanent association" with India.
Thereafter, the Indian government decided to take matters into its own hands. Its chosen instrument was the political parties - principally comprising people of Nepali origin in Sikkim who also were a numerical majority - that were opposed to the Chogyal. The Research and Analysis Wing funded and supported the opposition movement, leading eventually to direct Indian intervention under the pretext of maintaining law and order. The anti-Chogyal parties were swept to power in the election of 1974. They promptly introduced a new Constitution and sought Sikkim's "association" with India. In turn, New Delhi amended its own Constitution to "absorb" Sikkim.
Mr Datta-Ray sharply underlines the absurdity of an international treaty being superseded by an amendment of the Indian Constitution. Such egregious legal legerdemain was possible because of Indira Gandhi's parliamentary majority - though it must be added that most opposition parties willingly went along with it. Mr Datta-Ray's account of this sordid story has been amply corroborated by memoirs published by Indian officials since his book originally appeared. Few open-minded readers will come away from this book without feeling outraged at India's handling of Sikkim.
Yet Mr Datta-Ray is a better prosecutor than judge. For instance, he does not acknowledge the fact that the Chogyal's own missteps strengthened the hands of his adversaries. His unwillingness to grant full democratic rights to the Nepali majority at the right time gave India a useful lever to prise him out of power. By all accounts, the Chogyal was a fine and sensitive man, but his attempt to simultaneously take on India and his own populace was deeply flawed. This point becomes clearer when we compare the fate of Sikkim with that of Bhutan. To be sure, Bhutan had a stronger claim to sovereignty than did Sikkim. Yet the Bhutanese monarch handled the relationship with India adroitly, and by 1971 had secured Bhutan's entry into the United Nations.
More problematically, Mr Datta-Ray presents the Sikkim story as a dark aberration in India's tryst with democracy. The fact, however, remains that the Indian state has seldom shied away from using force when its security - especially territorial - interests are seen as threatened. Think of the accession of Junagadh, Hyderabad or Manipur. Constitutional chicanery? Consider the use of Article 370, which ostensibly preserves the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, but in practice has been used to whittle down any semblance of autonomy. As a citizen, I find all this deplorable, but as a historian I know that in its ruthless realpolitik the Indian state has been no different from other states in modern history.
Edmund Burke famously said at the trial of Warren Hastings that "there is a sacred veil to be thrown over the beginnings of all government". It is Mr Datta-Ray's achievement that he momentarily lifts this veil and punctures the pretensions of the Indian state. But to grasp the real import of this story, we may need to dispense with its author's own pieties.
The reviewer is senior fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi, and lecturer in defence studies at King's College London
Sunday, February 9, 2014
Solidarity Forum Reiterates Tribal State Status
Solidarity Forum reiterates Tribal State Status
10 Feb, Gangtok : ( Voice of Sikkim)
The Solidarity Forum of Sikkim has once again strengthened its demand for tribal status for the state of Sikkim. A forum meet was called at Limboo Bhawan in the capital on 9 February where the eminent Veteran Journalist and thinker Shri CD Rai apprised about the Chief Minister Shri Pawan Chamling’s recommendation for inclusion 11 sub-casts (of Nepali Community) to central government for the tribal status.
The forum allege that central government is doing injustice by not letting tribal status. Speaking during the meet the forum President Shri Bharat Basnett asked the SDF government to look into the matter for delivering justice to the left outs. Based on the report of Burman Commission the tribal status must be given in the larger interests of the communities,he said.
The tribal status is a crucial demand which every intellectuals must think for, Basnet also urged the organizations to make it possible by pressing the matter as primary agenda.
Similarly Shri Rai, Former Chief Secretary Shri PK Pardhan and Social worker cum President of Sikkim Citizen Forum Shri Thukchuk Lachungpa also deliberated justifying the need for communities by communal harmony and unity among all communities in the state.
The meet observed release of Nepali version of Burman Committee report from hand of Shri Rai.
The forum allege that central government is doing injustice by not letting tribal status. Speaking during the meet the forum President Shri Bharat Basnett asked the SDF government to look into the matter for delivering justice to the left outs. Based on the report of Burman Commission the tribal status must be given in the larger interests of the communities,he said.
The tribal status is a crucial demand which every intellectuals must think for, Basnet also urged the organizations to make it possible by pressing the matter as primary agenda.
Similarly Shri Rai, Former Chief Secretary Shri PK Pardhan and Social worker cum President of Sikkim Citizen Forum Shri Thukchuk Lachungpa also deliberated justifying the need for communities by communal harmony and unity among all communities in the state.
The meet observed release of Nepali version of Burman Committee report from hand of Shri Rai.
Friday, January 31, 2014
Tuesday, January 14, 2014
Sikkim Chief Minister reviewed the status of works carried out
Gangtok, 13th Jan: Chief Minister Mr Pawan Chamling chaired the coordination meeting of all Heads of Government Departments here at Chintan Bhawan today. The Chief Minister reviewed the status of works carried out as a follow up of the last coordination meeting held on 18th June, 2013. The Chief Minister laid down issues that needed urgent intervention from all Departments, and also made a series of important announcements.
In the course of the meeting, the Chief Minister also made a few important announcements:
After reviewing the progress of work stipulated in the last meeting, the Chief Minister made the following reiterations:
1) Databank of employees of all Government Departments to be prepared on priority.
2) Officers of the level of Special Secretary and above to invariably visit the Districts once in two months.
3) Salary of Namchi Blind School employees be immediately dispatched.
4) 17000 unemployed youth to be imparted skill training within two years.
5) Need to render adequate publicity to the Helpline created for mitigation of issues like crime, rape, suicides and any unlawful activities in the State.
6) Adequate training to Lines-men working in Power Department for aversion of any accident.
7) Immediate construction of Village Level Workers'(VLW) Quarters. Issues like land acquisition be dealt with effectively.
8) About the goal of the Government towards making Sikkim a total Organic State by 2015, the Chief Minister informed that the State has achieved 100% organic certification. This, he said, should be complimented with adequate awareness to the people, especially the farming community, for sustenance of the Mission.
9) The Chief Minister recalled a directive issued two years back to the Forest Department for the supply of substantial quantity of timber to the RM&DD for construction of houses under CMRHM and REDRH. He called for immediate compliance.
The Chief Minister further laid down a list of deliverables:
1) He announced the dates for Janata Mela to be held in all the District Headquarters; 31st January in Mangan, 2nd February in Gangtok, 4th February in Namchi, and 6th February in Geyzing. In this connection, he directed concerned departments like RM&DD, Agriculture and Animal Husbandry,Horticulture, SIDICO and SAABCO to ensure availability of all required materials,sanction list, grant in the form of schemes and cheques to be handed over to the beneficiaries.He made a special mention of grant of vehicles to beneficiaries considering the upsurge of tourism industry in the State.
2) Tourism loans should give more impetus to individuals establishing tourism-related amenities. Also, preference be given to activities like poultry, dairy farming, floriculture and agriculture.
3) He directed the UD&HD Department to regularise all unauthorised houses especially in areas like Rongli, Rangpo, Nayabazar and Rorathang within the month of January.
4) He directed the Power Department and RM&DD to facilitate electricity and water supply schemes in villages which have been completely left out.
5) The Chief Minister issued a directive to the Forest Department to use the timber from the road widening for implementation of schemes like REDRH and CMRHM. He also directed for the establishment of a saw mill each in Melli, Legship and Ravangla for supply of timber to RM&DD for timely implementation of the Rural Housing Schemes.
6) He called for urgent action to regularise all ad-hoc employees who have served for 10 years and above.He added that the Government has already regularised employees who served for 15-20 years.
7) He directed the HRDD to remove all bottle-necks related to posting and transfer of teachers in all schools, timely supply of books and uniforms before the beginning of the next session. He was loud and clear in his directive that all problems related to the above issues be redressed within the month of January.
8)The Chief Minister also called for timely up-gradation of schools.
9) The Chief Minister directed the DOP to carry out promotions, transfers and other staffing related work on priority.
10) He urged the concerned department to tap any shortage of food and essential commodities before and during the upcoming elections.
11) He also urged the concerned department to use State quotas for food grains like wheat very judiciously.
12) The Chief Minister directed the Police Department to increase police cover in sensitive areas and be vigilant about any peace-thwarting elements operating from within the State.
13) He directed the Power Department to make all the water fountains functional.
14) He directed the DOP to remove issues related to variation in pay structure of employees of different categories before the initiation of the 6th Pay Commission.
15) He further directed the DOP to remove the Assured Career Progression Scheme, and expedite the process of employee regularization in a few departments like IPR and HRDD.
16) The Chief Minister called on the HODs to come out with suggestions to improve the administrative setup for a more advanced and transparent system of functioning, with impetus on accountability and responsibility among the subordinates. He also stressed on the need to improve e-governance and power decentralization at the level of the GVK.
17) He called for making annual recruitment drive mandatory for filling up vacancies.
1) 50 units free electricity to rural household would be increased to 100 units w.e.f. 1st April 2014.
2) Grant of financial assistance to Government College students to be revived w.e.f. 1st April 2014.It may be mentioned here that the scheme had been discontinued for a brief period.
3) 75% subsidy will be given to any educated unemployed youth to start a business. The relaxation in subsidy will extend to areas like driving licence, environmental clearance etc.
4) Mabong Singyang GVK, currently under Chakung West Sikkim, be shifted to Soreng for public convenience.
5) BPL category people seeking medical treatment should be granted a one-time advance grant of 2 lakhs. Any expenditure above this amount should be reimbursed subsequently.
6) Admission rate to schools should be 100% and drop out rate should be brought down to 0%.
7) The Chief Minister accorded in-principle approval for the construction of a Football Academy at Rangpo Mining Ground, Mazitar, East Sikkim.He stated that the ground does not have the required facilities for a cricket ground,and hence suggested for the football academy.
The meeting had the presence of Chief Secretary Smt R. Ongmu, DGP, Heads of Departments, DCs and SPs from all Districts.
Friday, January 10, 2014
The State Government vide notification number 87/Home/2013 dated 27th December 2013 has constituted a committee for implementation, construction and beautification of the Statue of Unity at M.G.Marg, Gangtok under the Chairmanship of Shri Karma Tempo Namgyal Gyaltsen and Secretary, Tourism, Tourism and CA Department, Government of Sikkim as Member Secretary. The other members of the Committee are Shri Narendra Kumar Pradhan, Shri Karma Namgyal Topgay, Shri Dorjee Namgyal Bhutia, Shri Shakti Singh and Shri Thukchuk Lachungpa.
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